The agreement for Gaza is a positive step, but the war is far from over

The truce is fragile. Netanyahu has tied his political survival to the continuation of the war, heavily influenced by the messianic right, which openly calls for the destruction of Gaza.

by Elena Basile

How can one not welcome the agreement that Trump’s envoy to the Middle East, Richard Witkoff, managed to impose on Netanyahu during a single visit to Israel, unlike the incompetent Anthony Blinken, who required ten? If only the Republican administration could defend U.S. interests (and those of the Jewish community) against the Israeli lobby, it would represent a significant step forward. It would put an end to the criminal complicity with Netanyahu that has tarnished the policies of American Democrats and the majority of European governments.

The lobby supports the policies of right-wing messianic nationalism and has long pursued aggressive actions in the region at Iran’s expense. As we have often pointed out, the lobby has little to do with the Jewish community. It also includes Christian and evangelical donors. Given its substantial financial resources, it wields considerable influence over Washington’s politics. This also explains the bipartisan applause received by the “war criminal” Netanyahu in Congress. The lobby’s influence extends to European politics as well.

Lobbies are recognized in Europe and in democratic societies, so there is nothing inherently abnormal about openly identifying as a member of the Israeli lobby. The issue lies in the lack of transparency. It would be preferable for journalists, academics, and politicians who are part of it to disclose this affiliation, rather than waiting for legitimate investigations to reveal that members of the government are involved.

Who could not welcome a truce and the potential for the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian detainees? Looking at the images of Israeli hostages published in the press, one naturally feels a sense of solidarity. Yet it’s impossible not to experience deep discomfort when thinking about the 43,000 dead who remain faceless and forgotten. If only we could see the faces of Palestinian children—those killed under rubble or who died in agony in bombed-out hospitals. Of course, the agreement is welcome, but the pain of the victims haunts us.

It seems inconceivable that an agreement might strengthen Netanyahu, enabling him, as he claims, to return to his criminal policies (which he has already resumed in the West Bank) even before a total ceasefire. I hope this comparison does not offend anyone, but I believe it has merit: can you imagine if, after the atrocities committed by the Nazis during World War II, instead of seeking justice through the Nuremberg trials, an agreement had been reached with the German elite?

The truce is fragile. Netanyahu has tied his political survival to the continuation of the war, influenced by the messianic right, which openly calls for the destruction of Gaza. Trump, who was elected in part with the support of the Israeli lobby, is attempting a compromise that could at least prevent a war with Iran and work toward normalizing the region through a return to the logic of the Abraham Accords and mediation with Saudi Arabia.

Hamas has risked everything to bring the Palestinian issue back into the spotlight. While its leadership has been decimated and the Palestinian people have endured unprecedented suffering and destruction, some of its strategic goals have been partially achieved. Politically, Hamas has emerged as a greater victor than Netanyahu, who has dealt blows to the axis of resistance—Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, and Syria—but has failed to eliminate them. These groups remain operational, with new recruits and heightened anger.

Israel, despite resorting to force and violating international law, becoming increasingly viewed as a rogue state on the global stage, has not improved its position, even in Syria. Former fighters backed by Turkey are not allies of Israel. Trump, meanwhile, has shown little hesitation in supporting Israel’s supremacist ambitions, but it seems unlikely he will establish a lasting peace. Such peace would require recognizing Palestinian sovereignty—including Hamas—rebuilding Gaza with security guaranteed by Arab states (chiefly Riyadh), halting the colonization of the West Bank, and initiating a peace conference that includes Iran and Russia, who recently signed a new energy cooperation agreement.

Unfortunately, it seems likely that the Republican administration has identified a compromise that once again comes at the expense of the Palestinians. Waves of violence will likely recur, ensuring Netanyahu’s political survival, as there appear to be no viable alternatives within Israeli politics, which is dominated by an unpalatable right wing. The intermittent military offensives in Gaza, aimed at securing the release of some hostages in exchange for restraint in escalating the conflict, reflect this possible logic.

The faint hope remains a complete rejection—similar to the one seen in Ukraine—of neoconservative policies based on destabilization and military supremacy. This remains, however, a distant prospect.

Il Fatto Quotidiano, January 24, 2025

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